The technique of popular mobilization dates back to the presidency of
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In divisive politics, mass mobilization (also known as social mobilization or public mobilization) refers to the mobilization of civilians. Mass mobilization is a mechanism that involves and motivates a diverse group of stakeholders and supporters at the national and local levels in order to raise awareness of and demand for a specific development goal through face-to-face dialogue. Members of institutions, community networks, civic and religious organizations, and others collaborate to reach out to diverse groups of people with pre-planned messages for dialogue. In other words, social mobilization attempts to promote change by putting together a number of actors who are working together on interrelated and complementary projects. 1st
Wide public events, such as mass meetings, marches, parades, processions, and protests, are widely used in the process. Typically, these gatherings are part of a direct action. Grassroots social movements, like revolutionary movements, often use mass mobilization, but it can also be used by elites and the state.
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The uprising of 2017–18 has marked the beginning of a new chapter in the Islamic Republic’s history, which, in its forty-first year, is beset by acute and apparently insurmountable domestic and foreign policy challenges with no end in sight. On the domestic front, protests by different groups, including laborers and women, have continued after a nationwide wave of protests shook the country between late December 2017 and early January 2018.
In fact, the rebellion was one of the most extreme political demonstrations the Islamic Republic has ever seen. The protests spread throughout the world in unprecedented numbers, and were led by the lower classes, who are generally thought to be part of the regime’s social base, or at least loyal to it. The demonstrations in Mashhad, which began as a protest of Hassan Rouhani’s economic results but soon spiraled out of control, spreading to all corners of the world and targeting the entire elite as well as the Islamic Republic’s ideological pillars, were organized by influential hard-line opponents of Rouhani’s government.
Daily press briefing – june 17, 2016
The American economy reached a new era of industrial development and prosperity in the 1920s, with the exception of a recession in 1920–1921. Electric power, automobiles, gasoline, tourist travel, and highway and housing construction were among the new industries that grew rapidly. With the exception of agriculture and coal mining, both industries enjoyed prosperous times.
After years of war, racial hatreds, race riots, and exhausting changes, the Republican Party ran Warren G. Harding for president in 1920, promising a “return to normalcy.” Harding led the GOP to a landslide win, leading the major cities while many historically Democratic voters, such as Irish, Catholics, and Germans, deserted to the Republicans after feeling misled by Woodrow Wilson’s administration.
A national strike by railway shopkeepers, dubbed the “Great Railroad Strike,” began in 1922, with the help of labor organizations. At least ten people were killed in clashes with strikebreakers, shootings by armed company guards, and sabotage by strikers. Attorney General Harry M. Daugherty called for national action against the strike after Harding suggested a compromise that was rejected by the rail companies. The railroad strike finally faded away thanks to local agreements between employees and their employers after a federal judge issued a broad and highly contentious injunction against protesting, picketing, and other union activities. Harding disagreed with veterans over the question of offering incentive payments to those who served in World War I, preferring instead to rely on a potential pension scheme. In September 1922, Harding vetoed a version of an adjusted compensation act, reducing his overall popularity and costing him support among Republicans who saw his efforts at fiscal discipline as jeopardizing the party’s electoral prospects.
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Economic heterodoxy and the programs of nascent social democratic parties lack a well-thought-out strategy for developing an alternative banking system. To address this, this contribution aims to develop a shared, coherent, and operational proposal for a banking sector organizational strategy, as well as the specific conditions for its implementation by a famous government in Europe.
A common government must develop capital flow control in order to have space for maneuvering while in power and to limit the risks of financial asphyxia. Capital control is not always in violation of European treaties. Article 65 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union imposes a range of limits on capital mobility, which are justified, in part, by the need to tackle infringements of national laws on taxation or prudential matters, as well as foreign policy or public security issues. These arguments were made in 2013 for Cyprus and in 2015 for Greece. Even if capital flow control was in violation of the treaties, a common government might presume disobedience. Furthermore, the question of a measure aimed at controlling capital’s position in the hierarchy of norms, and thus of a government’s capacity to enforce it immediately, arises. National legislation in many European countries provide for steps to regulate capital flows at the administrative level rather than at the legislative level, such as the regulation of investment period. As a result, they could be introduced as soon as a common government took power.